In the classic movie, White Christmas, we hear a question presented in song about what to do with “so many one and two and three and four-star generals unemployed,” following the military downsizing in the immediate aftermath of WWII. Today, a more pressing question looms: What shall we do with so many generals whose loyalty seems directed more toward personal ambition and institutional self-preservation than to the Constitution?
At the height of WWII, America won a global war with only seven, four-star generals commanding a force that numbered over 12 million. Today’s active-duty military force is a fraction of that size, numbering roughly 1.4 million. Yet it now employs 44 four-star officers. Each one of them attained promotion to the highest levels by either acquiescent to, or enthusiastically embracing, radical social doctrines that aim to destroy the nation from within. Fortunately, a few of these generals were quietly sidelined and retired tin 2025. But many others, whose actions betray their oaths to the Constitution, remain in positions of immense power.
Lt. Gen. Chris Laneve exemplifies this troubling trend. Not only did he comply with the full range of illegal COVID edicts, but as a division commander he also signed a 2023 “pride” month letter that presented a distorted version of American history.
“From the founding fathers of our nation through the Global War on Terrorism LBGTQ+ [sic] service members have fought with pride to defend our rights and freedoms.”
The letter went on to parrot the prevalent themes from critical theory, calling on all members of the famed 82nd Airborne Division to advance the cause of social justice as a “strategic advantage.”

Laneve currently serves as the senior military assistant to the Secretary of War, and is now nominated to become the Army’s Vice Chief of Staff. Thus far, Laneve has not publicly disavowed or distanced himself from the revolutionary viewpoint he recently celebrated.
Similarly, Gen. Kenneth Wilsbach, a staunch advocate for diversity, equity, and inclusion (DEI) initiatives, was nominated by President Trump to become the next Air Force Chief of Staff. Wilsbach consistently prioritized intersectional diversity as a key focus of his management style. Like Laneve, Wilsbach has not publicly repudiated his alignment with critical theory, leaving us no choice but to conclude that he remains committed to these divisive ideologies.
A small number of generals have been shown the door during the second Trump administration, but in subdued fashion. In 2010 Stan McChrystal was the last military general to be publicly relieved by a president. This was over things said about the Obama administration by members of McChrystal’s staff. Far worse has been said of Trump by many across the ranks in open office settings and on social media. It appears that their commanders are generally being left alone, as some generals take it upon themselves to trash their civilian superiors in press reports—the latest example showing up in The Washington Times.
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The general calamity of our day is not entirely unique. Consider what Sir. Winston Churchill observed in his essay titled "Mass Effects in Modern Life," exactly one century ago.
“Instead our Generals are to be found on the day of battle at their desks in their offices fifty or sixty miles from the front, anxiously listening to the trickle of the telephone for all the world as if they were spectators with large holdings when the market is disturbed… No; he is not he hero. He is the manager of a stock market, or a stock yard.”
The current “forever war” has provided ample evidence of the inadequacies of many senior officers. Traditionally, generals were held accountable for battlefield failures, just as CEOs are fired for driving their companies toward bankruptcy. Battlefield failure in our age has paradoxically become a credential for promotion.
But what about character? This is a rare moment in history where we can evaluate the moral integrity and constitutional commitment of our top officers based on their actions during the COVID crisis and their enthusiastic support for DEI initiatives. The question is simple: who among them resisted unlawful orders or refused to cooperate with unconstitutional COVID mandates, DEI policies that violate the Civil Rights Act of 1964, and the ideological assault on conservatives in the ranks? The answer: not one. How many resigned publicly rather than violate their oaths? Again, not one.
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Far too many among the officer class openly embraced neo-Marxist doctrines that call for the nation to be decolonized, dismantled, and deconstructed. We must take them at their word where loyalties lay. Not one publicly reversed position, nor offered any explanation for his or her activism in recent years. Even should any among them attempt explanation, excuses of just doing what one had to do in the recent past are never morally-acceptable excuses for military officers. Resisting unlawful orders is foundational to preserving an army of free men rather than reckless mercenaries.
This reality is not lost on top civilian defense officials. Yet they seem hesitant to clean house. Perhaps they are concerned about the difficulties of replacing these senior officers. The solution, however, is simple, just as it was before the corporatization of military talent management in the post-WWII era. Our nation’s top leadership must begin by relieving incompetent officers, retraining or releasing them into civilian life, and promoting real leaders. As always, history offers valuable lessons.
In 1862, President Abraham Lincoln relieved Gen. George McClellan, who had proven a weak battlefield leader and politically antagonistic to his civilian superiors. Lincoln found better leadership by looking outside the traditional military career path. Ulysses S. Grant, for example, went from resigning as a captain in 1854 to being reinstated as a full colonel seven years later, ultimately becoming the only general capable of defeating the formidable Robert E. Lee. Grant would not have had enough time in service to make it to the rank of lieutenant colonel in today’s Army. Likewise, Joshua Lawrence Chamberlain was not far removed from his time as a civilian college professor when commissioned into the Army as a lieutenant colonel and put in command of the 20th Maine Volunteer Infantry Regiment. The academic helped turn likely union defeat at Gettysburg into victory, and went on to become a brigadier general before the Civil War’s end. American military tradition is replete with many such examples in which rank and command followed capability over box checks. Excuses that defend holding on to incapable and politically-hostile senior officers over manning concerns is like asking the gardener not to remove a termite-infested root because you don’t have a bag of dirt on hand to immediately fill the hole. The talent needed to get the job exists for those willing to look beyond the reach of their own arms.
I commend Secretary of War Pete Hegseth’s recent address to military leadership, in which he called for accountability and the reinstatement of basic military standards. But such rhetoric must be followed by decisive action. Uniformed partisans, determined to undermine the will of the voters, do not respond to speeches; they respond to the application of power. The tools exist to deal with these renegades, but the question remains: Is there the will to use them?
America is in a moment that the current Praetorian Guard can be tamed for a generation, and the military reoriented to public service. I ask you, dear reader, to join me in asking our elected leaders and their appointees at the War Department to exercise lawful authority to break up the unaccountable cabal of Pentagon careerists and restore public accountability as a tenet honored both by the public and those who run the armed services. There is a battle for the military’s soul. We must win it to prevent the enemies of ordered liberty from turning the nation’s defenders against us and future generations.
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