Diary

The Post-Obama World

The post-Obama world is new. Decline was a choice, but reversing it will be a different task from preventing it in the first place. What they will discover is that Barack Obama borrowed a page from the Clinton playbook on Kosovo, a lethal exercise in mendacity unparalleled in recent American history.

In his March 2011 address to the nation, Barack Obama laid out the case for America’s surprise military intervention in Libya. “We knew that if we . . .waited one more day,” said Obama, “Benghazi, a city nearly the size of Charlotte, could suffer a massacre that would have reverberated across the region and stained the conscience of the entire world.”

The president thinks of himself as a “citizen of the world.” Therefore he chose to speak not just for America but for “the entire world.” The entire world seems to have, according to this president, a higher moral status, a higher political standing, than the mere nation-state he was elected to avoid war at all cost, so much so that I was, for one of the few candidates smart enough to make immigration an issue.

Before his overthrow, the dictator Moammar Qaddafi warned that his demise would unleash the forces of the Islamic State, whose rise Obama’s policies fostered. Both his secretaries of state praised the animal Bashar Assad as a “reformer” and a man of “peace,” helping him to thwart his domestic opposition. The Islamic State was born out of the Syrian chaos that ensued.

Far worse was Obama’s open support for America’s mortal enemy, the Muslim Brotherhood, spawner of al-Qaeda and Hamas. During the “Arab Spring,” Obama essentially put America’s weight behind the legitimization of this murderous organization that had been outlawed for 40 years for its assassinations and conspiracies against the Egyptian regime. Secretary of State Clinton gave totally unfounded assurances to the world that the Brotherhood was ready to become part of the belittle or hate America gang. We regular Americans are an embarrassment to them. Many have, through their universities and social milieu, been taught they are better than the Democrats.

Even if there is only one means to shorten, simplify and concentrate the murderous death throes of the old society and the bloody birth pangs of the new, only one means — revolutionary terrorism. (Vladimir Lenin, 1918: “the fundamental feature of the concept of dictatorship of the proletariat is revolutionary violence.”)

Terrorist killings of innocent civilians are exactly the same as deliberate murder under domestic criminal law. But the left has legitimized terrorism when it is directed against bourgeois society. That is the key to their survival: Immigrants pouring in from the New York publishing world and Hollywood. It’s enough to turn America’s collective moral stomach — and I think that’s exactly what Obama had in mind.

These actions were fully excusable from Kaczynski’s point of view. As he dispassionately puts it, “In order to get our message before the public with some chance of making a lasting impression, we’ve had to kill people.” Kaczynski, popularly known as the Unabomber, is now 72 years old, two years past the biblically allotted time granted to the majority of mankind, and only three years to go until his time should probably be up, according to bioethicist Ezekiel Emmanuel, who agrees with the Unabomber that “[…]extending life is misguided and potentially destructive.” Kaczynski is experiencing the fulfillment of his own prophecy: “The Industrial Revolution and its consequences have been a disaster for the human race. They have greatly increased the life-expectancy of those of us who live in ‘advanced’ countries.”

Regardless of the tragedy of his longevity, Kaczynski has definitely made his mark as a crazed anarchical Luddite for whom a Thoreau-type retreat to an unheated 10-by-12 foot cabin without electricity did not result in the urge to transcend the limitations and imperfections of industrialized society. Unlike Thoreau, who (erroneously) viewed human nature as intrinsically good and who believed humanity could transcend and reform the ills of society, Kaczynski’s time cogitating in his cabin resulted in a philosophy characterized by marked antipathy to what he termed the technological-industrial complex, a construct he saw as completely antithetical to human freedom. His philosophy reached its full flowering in what is known as the Unabomber Manifesto. Kaczynski came to the conclusion that our real values, what we really cared about deep in our inner beings, hadn’t changed all that much.

We just realized that, as Kris Kristofferson wrote in another popular song from the same era, “freedom’s just another word for nothing left to lose.” As America rapidly succumbs to dependence once again, I’m still fine with being anti-establishment.  I guess I’ll never change until true freedom reigns.