If there was ever a man who occupied the White House less capable of introspection and reason than Barack Obama, I’d really like to know who it was.

Obama was in Warsaw, Poland, over the weekend to scare the living hell out of to bolster our European allies. Naturally, the subject of the Dallas police shootings came up.

He said the motives of the killer in Dallas were “very hard to untangle” but called the shooter “demented” and downplayed the potential political motivations he may have carried. The shooter allegedly voiced a desire to “kill white people” ahead of the attack, authorities have said.

“I think the danger is that we somehow suggest that the act of a troubled individual speaks to some larger political statement across the country. It doesn’t,” Obama said.

Referencing last year’s attack on churchgoers in Charleston, South Carolina, Obama noted, “When some white kid walks into a church and shoots a bunch of worshipers who invite him to worship with them, we don’t assume that somehow he’s making a political statement.”

There are several points to be made here.

First, the motives of the Dallas killer are not “very hard to untangle.” They are actually amazingly easy to untangle. The man, for whatever reasons, was a racist who hated whites. His social media presence was very much in sync with his sentiments expressed to the Dallas police hostage negotiators. More to the point, Dylan Roof, the Charleston shooter, had his motives divined very quickly. When Obama spoke immediately after the Charleston shooting he said:

The fact that this took place in a black church obviously also raises questions about a dark part of our history. This is not the first time that black churches have been attacked, and we know the hatred across races and faiths pose a particular threat to our democracy and our ideals.

And when he gave an eulogy at the funeral of the slain, he had this to offer:

The Confederate flag — “we all have to acknowledge that the flag has always represented more than ancestral pride,” Obama said bluntly — must come down. That, though, is just the very beginning of what needs to be done.
“By taking down that flag, we express God’s grace,” Obama said, giving his eulogy for Rev. Clementa Pinckney. “But I don’t think God wants us to stop there.”

“For too long,” Obama called out to the crowd at one point, talking about the legacy of racism. “Too long!” the crowd called back.

Dylann Roof, the shooter, “drew on the long history of bombs and arson and shots fired at churches — not random, but as a means to control. A way to terrorize and oppress.”

Never mind that there is no widespread public movement dedicated to killing black people or black churchgoers, somehow Dylan Roof’s single photo in which a Confederate battle flag was visible became an indictment of an entire region and of the people living there. This stands in stark contrast with the official encouragement given the violence prone Black Lives Matter movment. And, given the rhetoric associated with the Black Lives Matter nonsense, it is fair to say that Micah X. Johnson was simply following the zeitgeist of a movement that has made a point demonizing police officers while advocating killing them:

Not too long ago a Black Lives Matter crowd chanted, “Pigs in a blanket, fry ‘em like bacon. Pigs in a blanket, fry ‘em like bacon.”

In New York City, protesters once shouted, “What do we want? Dead cops. When do we want them? Now.”

Micah Johnson might very well not have been a member of an actual group but he definitely worked in concert with like minds in a national movement. This was not lost upon those closest to the events:

How, you might ask, did a protest movement materialize that is dedicated to violence, particularly race-based violence that justifies or mitigates the assassination on police officers? Easy. It has the imprimatur of the Obama administration.

From the earliest days, Barack Obama has striven to harness the power of racial grievance in service of his personal political power. When a Massachusetts police officer had the temerity to ask for identification from a black Harvard professor while answering a 911 call to report a possible burglary, he was accused of “acting stupidly.” When “white Hispanic” George Zimmerman killed out-of-control thuglet, Trayvon Martin, after being severely beaten by him, Obama immediately equated Martin to a son he never had and Eric Holder attempted a federal prosecution of Zimmerman for daring to defend his own life. When Michael Brown, a violent street tough, was killed in an altercation with a Ferguson, MO, police officer, Obama immediately took Brown’s side:

President Obama said the shooting death of a black teen by a white police officer last month in Ferguson, Missouri, exposed the racial divide in the American justice system that “stains the heart of black children.”

Speaking at the annual Congressional Black Caucus Foundation dinner in Washington on Saturday night, Mr. Obama said the death of Michael Brown “awakened our nation” to a reality that black citizens already understood.

“In too many communities around the country, a gulf of mistrust exists between local residents and law enforcement,” Mr. Obama said. “Too many young men of color feel targeted by law enforcement — guilty of walking while black or driving while black, judged by stereotypes that fuel fear and resentment and hopelessness.”

Even though the facts were evident to law enforcement investigators fairly early, Brown had fought with the police officer and tried to take his pistol, Obama sent three White House officials to Brown’s funeral thereby showing White House acknowledgement of both Brown’s innocence and police misconduct.

This is only the low hanging fruit. There is much, much more if you care to delve into it, and it leads to the inescapable conclusion that if if Barack Obama is not, himself, a vicious racist he is willing to enlist them as soldiers in his personal struggle to exaggerate and exacerbate racial differences in America. Back to Obama:

“We plant seeds,” Obama said of his attempts at promoting racial reconciliation. “And somebody else maybe sits under the shade of the tree that we planted.”

He’s planted seeds, alright. But we aren’t going to lounge in the shade of the trees, we’re going to roll around in the ashes of the forest fire.